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“Shared Intentionality” is Essence of Human Nature (Science article)

Home › Forum Online Discussion › Philosophy › “Shared Intentionality” is Essence of Human Nature (Science article)

  • This topic has 0 replies, 1 voice, and was last updated 15 years, 10 months ago by Michael Winn.
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  • November 30, 2009 at 11:42 pm #32737

    Michael Winn

    note: this is a nice survey on the anthropological views of the human yin-yang dynamic between being selfish and serving the group. In taoist terms, its the juggling act between the Hun and Po souls (liver and lung spirits), the We and Me aspects of Self.
    I am not a darwinist and don’t buy its “survival” evolutionary thesis except as partial explanation for deeper spiritual forces driving evolution. – Michael

    WE MAY BE BORN WITH AN URGE TO HELP
    By Nicholas Wade
    New York Times
    December 1, 2009

    http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/01/science/01human.html

    What is the essence of human nature? Flawed, say many theologians. Vicious
    and addicted to warfare, wrote Hobbes. Selfish and in need of considerable
    improvement, think many parents.

    But biologists are beginning to form a generally sunnier view of humankind.
    Their conclusions are derived in part from testing very young children, and
    partly from comparing human children with those of chimpanzees, hoping that
    the differences will point to what is distinctively human.

    The somewhat surprising answer at which some biologists have arrived is that
    babies are innately sociable and helpful to others. Of course every animal
    must to some extent be selfish to survive. But the biologists also see in
    humans a natural willingness to help.

    When infants 18 months old see an unrelated adult whose hands are full and
    who needs assistance opening a door or picking up a dropped clothespin, they
    will immediately help, Michael Tomasello writes in “Why We Cooperate,” a
    book published in October. Dr. Tomasello, a developmental psychologist, is
    co-director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in
    Leipzig, Germany.

    The helping behavior seems to be innate because it appears so early and
    before many parents start teaching children the rules of polite behavior.

    “It’s probably safe to assume that they haven’t been explicitly and directly
    taught to do this,” said Elizabeth Spelke, a developmental psychologist at
    Harvard. “On the other hand, they’ve had lots of opportunities to experience
    acts of helping by others. I think the jury is out on the innateness
    question.”

    But Dr. Tomasello finds the helping is not enhanced by rewards, suggesting
    that it is not influenced by training. It seems to occur across cultures
    that have different timetables for teaching social rules. And helping
    behavior can even be seen in infant chimpanzees under the right experimental
    conditions. For all these reasons, Dr. Tomasello concludes that helping is a
    natural inclination, not something imposed by parents or culture.

    Infants will help with information, as well as in practical ways. From the
    age of 12 months they will point at objects that an adult pretends to have
    lost. Chimpanzees, by contrast, never point at things for each other, and
    when they point for people, it seems to be as a command to go fetch
    something rather than to share information.

    For parents who may think their children somehow skipped the cooperative
    phase, Dr. Tomasello offers the reassuring advice that children are often
    more cooperative outside the home, which is why parents may be surprised to
    hear from a teacher or coach how nice their child is. “In families, the
    competitive element is in ascendancy,” he said.

    As children grow older, they become more selective in their helpfulness.
    Starting around age 3, they will share more generously with a child who was
    previously nice to them. Another behavior that emerges at the same age is a
    sense of social norms. “Most social norms are about being nice to other
    people,” Dr. Tomasello said in an interview, “so children learn social norms
    because they want to be part of the group.”

    Children not only feel they should obey these rules themselves, but also
    that they should make others in the group do the same. Even 3-year-olds are
    willing to enforce social norms. If they are shown how to play a game, and a
    puppet then joins in with its own idea of the rules, the children will
    object, some of them vociferously.

    Where do they get this idea of group rules, the sense of “we who do it this
    way”? Dr. Tomasello believes children develop what he calls “shared
    intentionality,” a notion of what others expect to happen and hence a sense
    of a group “we.” It is from this shared intentionality that children derive
    their sense of norms and of expecting others to obey them.

    Shared intentionality, in Dr. Tomasello’s view, is close to the essence of
    what distinguishes people from chimpanzees. A group of human children will
    use all kinds of words and gestures to form goals and coordinate activities,
    but young chimps seem to have little interest in what may be their
    companions’ minds.

    If children are naturally helpful and sociable, what system of child-rearing
    best takes advantage of this surprising propensity? Dr. Tomasello says that
    the approach known as inductive parenting works best because it reinforces
    the child’s natural propensity to cooperate with others. Inductive parenting
    is simply communicating with children about the effect of their actions on
    others and emphasizing the logic of social cooperation.

    “Children are altruistic by nature,” he writes, and though they are also
    naturally selfish, all parents need do is try to tip the balance toward
    social behavior.

    The shared intentionality lies at the basis of human society, Dr. Tomasello
    argues. From it flow ideas of norms, of punishing those who violate the
    norms and of shame and guilt for punishing oneself. Shared intentionality
    evolved very early in the human lineage, he believes, and its probable
    purpose was for cooperation in gathering food. Anthropologists report that
    when men cooperate in hunting, they can take down large game, which single
    hunters generally cannot do. Chimpanzees gather to hunt colobus monkeys, but
    Dr. Tomasello argues this is far less of a cooperative endeavor because the
    participants act on an ad hoc basis and do not really share their catch.

    An interesting bodily reflection of humans’ shared intentionality is the
    sclera, or whites, of the eyes. All 200 or so species of primates have dark
    eyes and a barely visible sclera. All, that is, except humans, whose sclera
    is three times as large, a feature that makes it much easier to follow the
    direction of someone else’s gaze. Chimps will follow a person’s gaze, but by
    looking at his head, even if his eyes are closed. Babies follow a person’s
    eyes, even if the experimenter keeps his head still.

    Advertising what one is looking at could be a risk. Dr. Tomasello argues
    that the behavior evolved “in cooperative social groups in which monitoring
    one another’s focus was to everyone’s benefit in completing joint tasks.”

    This could have happened at some point early in human evolution, when in
    order to survive, people were forced to cooperate in hunting game or
    gathering fruit. The path to obligatory cooperation — one that other
    primates did not take — led to social rules and their enforcement, to human
    altruism and to language.

    “Humans putting their heads together in shared cooperative activities are
    thus the originators of human culture,” Dr. Tomasello writes.

    A similar conclusion has been reached independently by Hillard S. Kaplan, an
    anthropologist at the University of New Mexico. Modern humans have lived for
    most of their existence as hunter gatherers, so much of human nature has
    presumably been shaped for survival in such conditions. From study of
    existing hunter gatherer peoples, Dr. Kaplan has found evidence of
    cooperation woven into many levels of human activity.

    The division of labor between men and women — men gather 68 percent of the
    calories in foraging societies — requires cooperation between the sexes.
    Young people in these societies consume more than they produce until age 20,
    which in turn requires cooperation between the generations. This long period
    of dependency was needed to develop the special skills required for the
    hunter gatherer way of life.

    The structure of early human societies, including their “high levels of
    cooperation between kin and nonkin,” was thus an adaptation to the
    “specialized foraging niche” of food resources that were too difficult for
    other primates to capture, Dr. Kaplan and colleagues wrote recently in The
    Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. We evolved to be nice to
    each other, in other words, because there was no alternative.

    Much the same conclusion is reached by Frans de Waal in another book
    published in October, “The Age of Empathy.” Dr. de Waal, a primatologist,
    has long studied the cooperative side of primate behavior and believes that
    aggression, which he has also studied, is often overrated as a human
    motivation.

    “We’re preprogrammed to reach out,” Dr. de Waal writes. “Empathy is an
    automated response over which we have limited control.” The only people
    emotionally immune to another’s situation, he notes, are psychopaths.

    Indeed, it is in our biological nature, not our political institutions, that
    we should put our trust, in his view. Our empathy is innate and cannot be
    changed or long suppressed. “In fact,” Dr. de Waal writes, “I’d argue that
    biology constitutes our greatest hope. One can only shudder at the thought
    that the humaneness of our societies would depend on the whims of politics,
    culture or religion.”

    The basic sociability of human nature does not mean, of course, that people
    are nice to each other all the time. Social structure requires that things
    be done to maintain it, some of which involve negative attitudes toward
    others. The instinct for enforcing norms is powerful, as is the instinct for
    fairness. Experiments have shown that people will reject unfair
    distributions of money even it means they receive nothing.

    “Humans clearly evolved the ability to detect inequities, control immediate
    desires, foresee the virtues of norm following and gain the personal,
    emotional rewards that come from seeing another punished,” write three
    Harvard biologists, Marc Hauser, Katherine McAuliffe and Peter R. Blake, in
    reviewing their experiments with tamarin monkeys and young children.

    If people do bad things to others in their group, they can behave even worse
    to those outside it. Indeed the human capacity for cooperation “seems to
    have evolved mainly for interactions within the local group,” Dr. Tomasello
    writes.

    Sociality, the binding together of members of a group, is the first
    requirement of defense, since without it people will not put the group’s
    interests ahead of their own or be willing to sacrifice their lives in
    battle. Lawrence H. Keeley, an anthropologist who has traced aggression
    among early peoples, writes in his book “War Before Civilization” that,
    “Warfare is ultimately not a denial of the human capacity for cooperation,
    but merely the most destructive expression of it.”

    The roots of human cooperation may lie in human aggression. We are selfish
    by nature, yet also follow rules requiring us to be nice to others.

    “That’s why we have moral dilemmas,” Dr. Tomasello said, “because we are
    both selfish and altruistic at the same time.”

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